十Christian Japan
Theme

The Japanese Slave Trade: captives, merchants and the Church

From the 1550s Portuguese merchants bought Japanese, and later Korean, captives in Kyūshū and carried them abroad; this page traces the trade, the laws against it, and how Jesuits, bishops and Japanese rulers responded.

2053 words86 sourcesTimeline

The story

The opening line of each part of the story.

  1. How people were sold in JapanIn sixteenth-century Japan, war and poverty fed a trade in people long before Portuguese buyers arrived.
  2. Portuguese buyers and the ships to MacaoChurchmen criticised Portuguese slave buying from the start: in 1555 the Jesuit Nunes Barreto complained that the Portuguese at Lampacao forgot the truth through greed in trade and through their slave women.
  3. The royal law of 1570 and the Jesuit certificatesFr Cosme de Torres (トーレス), the superior in Japan, asked King Sebastian of Portugal to stop the trade, and a royal provision of September 20, 1570 forbade any Portuguese to ransom or capture any Japanese.
  4. Hideyoshi's ban of 1587In July 1587 the regent Hideyoshi (豊臣秀吉) made the slave trade one of his charges against the Portuguese and the missionaries.
  5. Korean captives and the bishops' sentenceAfter Japan invaded Korea in 1592, Korean captives flooded the market at Nagasaki and displaced the trade in Japanese.
  6. Goa, the crown and the end of the tradeIn Portuguese India the ban met strong resistance from slave owners.

How people were sold in Japan

In sixteenth-century Japan, war and poverty fed a trade in people long before Portuguese buyers arrived.The old ritsuryō codes allowed only people of the nuhi class to be traded, but service for a fixed term was unregulated and became an important part of the economy, especially in Kyūshū (九州).By the end of the century this term servitude (nenki hōkō) had become the usual form of bondage.Jesuit letters describe capture as routine: in 1561 Brother Luís de Almeida warned that travellers on the road from Hakata (博多) to Funai (府内) could be seized by thieves and sold to work with the hoe, and in 1571 Brother Miguel Vaz wrote that the wives and children of men killed in war were customarily captured and sold.Most soldiers in the armies of the time were low-ranking foot soldiers (zōhyō), who lived off plunder and captives.Church inquiries later listed other ways people fell into bondage: the families of executed men, wives and servants who fled to a lord's house, children seized by creditors as pledges, and children sold by parents when lords demanded more than the fields produced.In some places, one report said, the poor were "living a good part of the year on roots and wild herbs" (translated).From the 1570s a network of canvassers (hitokadoi) and brokers (hitoakibito) grew up in Kyūshū to supply foreign buyers.

Portuguese buyers and the ships to Macao

Churchmen criticised Portuguese slave buying from the start: in 1555 the Jesuit Nunes Barreto complained that the Portuguese at Lampacao forgot the truth through greed in trade and through their slave women.In the 1580s, during the wars in Kyūshū, a Japanese man or woman could cost less than a cow.Fr Luís Fróis (フロイス) wrote that at Mie and Shimabara (島原) forty people might be found together for sale, women and children of Bungo (豊後) going for two or three tostões.Wealthy captains bought whole households: the will of Head Captain Domingos Monteiro (1592) freed a large group of Japanese slaves, and in the same year Head Captain Roque de Melo bought at least eight in Nagasaki (長崎) and later took seven of them to Portugal.The voyage itself was cruel.Captives were packed one on top of another in the hold, many died on the passage to Macao, and even the lascars and servants of the Portuguese bought and carried slaves.There, servants bound for a fixed term were often resold as perpetual slaves and branded.Jacinta de Sá, the first known Japanese woman in Europe, married a former slave in Lisbon on February 5, 1573.In Argentina, Francisco Xapón sued for his freedom at Córdoba in 1597 and won it the following year.Japanese slaves are recorded in Lisbon, Porto, Goa, Macao, Malacca, Seville, Mexico City, Lima, Italian cities and even Algiers.When the young Japanese envoys of the Tenshō embassy toured the Portuguese settlements of Asia and Africa, they were distressed: "Everywhere we went, we saw Japanese, who had been sold as slaves."

The royal law of 1570 and the Jesuit certificates

Fr Cosme de Torres (トーレス), the superior in Japan, asked King Sebastian of Portugal to stop the trade, and a royal provision of September 20, 1570 forbade any Portuguese to ransom or capture any Japanese.Any Japanese so taken were to be freed, and the offender lost all his property, half to the crown and half to his accuser.The verb used, resgatar, meaning "to rescue", was then the usual Portuguese word for buying a slave.The law was to be proclaimed in every fortress and sent to the captains in Japan, so that the Japanese especially would know of it, and Philip II renewed it in 1581 and again for Macao in 1597.In practice, Jesuit paperwork became part of the trade.Certificates issued by Jesuits in Japan, called titles (títulos), were required whenever owners wished to resell Japanese slaves or list them in their wills.With no bishop yet in Japan, the bishop of Macao asked the Jesuits to examine Japanese bought by the Portuguese, and the fathers gave each buyer a certificate stating the titles they had found.In 1587 Fr Gaspar Coelho (コエリョ) admitted that the fathers issued such certificates for the bishop of China.The Jesuits later explained that, when the Portuguese were carrying off young people as perpetual slaves, they had advised contracts for a fixed number of years of service as the lesser evil, on the recommendation of the bishops of China.A Jesuit handbook for confessors of 1570 records girls taken to Macao complaining that the superior had licensed their sale.

Hideyoshi's ban of 1587

In July 1587 the regent Hideyoshi (豊臣秀吉) made the slave trade one of his charges against the Portuguese and the missionaries.Among the questions he sent to Fr Coelho by night at Hakata was who had given the Portuguese permission to buy Japanese and carry them as slaves to India.The priest answered that the Japanese themselves sold them, that the fathers had often reproved the merchants, and that the trade could easily be stopped if the daimyo were forbidden to sell captives and criminals to foreigners.Item 10 of Hideyoshi's notice of July 23, 1587 declared: "The sale of Japanese to China, South Barbary, or Korea is miscreant."It added that trade in human beings was prohibited in Japan.Under the old principle the regent applied, such a sale was void, the person was sent home, and both buyer and seller were punished.A Japanese chronicle of the campaign, the Kyūshū go-dōzaki, accused the padres of buying several hundred Japanese and shackling them hand and foot in the holds of the black ships.Fr Alessandro Valignano (ヴァリニャーノ) later wrote that the Jesuits stopped issuing their certificates when Hideyoshi took Nagasaki and forbade any Japanese to be sold as a captive.In De missione (1590), the dialogue on the Tenshō embassy, the speakers grieve over Japanese men, women, boys and girls carried off for a low price and sold into slavery across the world.The dialogue laid the blame on the Japanese who sold their own people, and claimed that Japanese held by the Portuguese were treated almost as free and released after a few years.

Korean captives and the bishops' sentence

After Japan invaded Korea in 1592, Korean captives flooded the market at Nagasaki and displaced the trade in Japanese.Prices collapsed: the merchant Francesco Carletti bought five Koreans for little more than twelve escudos.Japanese living near the port bought captives in other provinces, and some even crossed the sea to seize people, in order to sell them to the Portuguese for silk.In 1596, after the town's Christian leaders pointed to Hideyoshi's law and its death penalty, Bishop Pedro Martins excommunicated anyone who bought Japanese boys and girls and took them out of the country, with a fine of ten cruzados for each person.That sentence lapsed at his death.On September 4, 1598 his successor, Bishop Luís de Cerqueira (セルケイラ), held a consultation at the Jesuit house in Nagasaki with Valignano, the vice-provincial Pedro Gómez, Organtino, Francisco Pasio, Valentim Carvalho and other senior fathers, with Mateus de Couros as notary.The meeting found that most of those sold had been seduced or taken by force, and that "of a hundred, not one is bought legitimately" (translated).It held that Koreans carried off since the invasion were not lawful captives either, because the war on Korea was unjust.The fathers rejected the claim that slaves found a better life with the Portuguese, saying that Japanese masters often adopted their servants and married them to their daughters, while the Portuguese treated slaves like dogs.Nor, they said, was slavery needed for conversion, since the Christian community in Japan was already large.Their unanimous view was that one must always incline towards liberty.The meeting advised the bishop to renew the excommunication, grant no licences, and ask the king to republish and enforce King Sebastian's law on the freedom of the Japanese in India, China and Japan.In 1606 the bishop again condemned the slave trade.

Goa, the crown and the end of the trade

In Portuguese India the ban met strong resistance from slave owners.When Viceroy Aires de Saldanha proclaimed the law in Goa in 1603, the merchants blocked it in the chancery and petitioned the king.The city's judges argued that owners had invested over a million in gold, that the slaves held certificates signed by the bishops and Jesuits of Japan, and that armed Japanese slaves defended Portuguese towns.In 1604 and 1605 Philip III ruled that the law was not retroactive, so that slaves held in good faith stayed in bondage, though those claiming illegal captivity could seek justice.In January 1607 the king ordered a new law, now lost, which seems to have forbidden abuses without forbidding the enslavement of Japanese.At Macao, records still give 2,000 to 3,000 Japanese sold there in 1610.In Japan, enslavement became a weapon of the persecution: after 1614 Christian women and children of Ōmura (大村), Shimabara and Kuchinotsu (口之津) were threatened with slavery, and the wife of a Christian named Luis Sotar was enslaved for refusing to give up her faith.Friars ransomed with alms many of the young Christian women seized and enslaved in the persecution.In Europe, the case of the Japanese became a standard example for moral theologians such as Fr Luis de Molina.In the end the missionaries' efforts did not stop the trade; it was Japanese law, and the shogunate's tight control of ports, shipping and trade, that finally made it all but impossible.

What is uncertain

Where the sources disagree
  • What the 1570 law achieved is disputed. Boxer said it was ignored or suppressed for over thirty years, Maki Hidemasa called it a failure and Hesselink says merchants ignored it for seventeen years, while Ehalt reads it as a measure that regulated the trade rather than ended it.
  • The law is dated 1570 or 1571. it was printed on September 20, 1570 and reissued in Lisbon on March 12, 1571, and Boxer, Nelson and Morris date the ban to 1571.
  • Lúcio de Sousa holds that the law was never published in Goa; Ehalt cites a record of its proclamation there on October 11, 1571.
  • Sousa and Oka Mihoko read the words moço and moça as euphemisms that hid breaches of the ban; Ehalt notes that the same words were used for Chinese and other slaves, and before 1570.
  • The Jesuits' part is debated. Boxer says they consistently opposed the trade and rejects Murdoch's view that they tolerated it; Murdoch says they approved contracts of years of service until 1596; Ehalt argues they had an active, theologically justified role through licences until 1598, but calls the label "slave traders" anachronistic.
  • When the Jesuits stopped issuing certificates. Ehalt dates it to 1588, Murdoch to 1596.
  • Scale. Macao tables give 2,000 to 3,000 Japanese sold there in 1610, but Ehalt holds that no secure total can be given because the definition of a slave was so vague.
  • Ehalt reads the "several hundred" of the Kyūshū go-dōzaki as a description, not a count.
  • Roque de Melo's slaves. Sousa says one, António, escaped at Goa; Hesselink lists António as a free man in the party.
  • Philip III's letters misdate King Sebastian's law to 1560, and a Goa note on the law dated 1581 is thought to be an error for 1571.
Timeline

The dated story

Every dated row in this story, with its source.

  1. 1555Nunes Barreto criticises the Portuguese traders and their slave women.
  2. November 30, 1564Merchants bring slave youths to be baptised aboard the Japan ship.
  3. September 20, 1570King Sebastian forbids the Portuguese to ransom or capture any Japanese.
  4. July 23, 1587Hideyoshi's notice condemns the sale of Japanese abroad.
  5. 1592Roque de Melo buys at least eight Japanese slaves in Nagasaki.
  6. 1592 to 1597Korean captives dominate the trade.
  7. 1596Bishop Pedro Martins excommunicates buyers of Japanese boys and girls.
  8. September 4, 1598Bishop Luís de Cerqueira's consultation at Nagasaki.
  9. 1603The law is proclaimed in Goa and blocked by the merchants.
  10. December 7, 1604Philip III's compromise leaves slaves held in good faith in bondage.
  11. 1607A new royal law on the Japanese, now lost.
  12. 1610Between 2,000 and 3,000 Japanese are sold in Macao.
  13. After 1614Christian women and children are threatened with slavery in the persecution.
Atlas

Every place in this story

Every place in this story. Places without coordinates are listed without a pin.

PlaceWhy it matters hereCoordinatesCoordinate source
Nagasaki (長崎)the main market for Japanese and Korean captives, and the scene of the 1598 consultation.
Kyūshū (九州)the nine Shimo provinces, where most Japanese slaves were found.
Hakata (博多)where Hideyoshi questioned Fr Coelho in 1587.
Funai (府内)end of a dangerous road from Hakata in 1561.
Shimabara (島原) and Mieplaces where people were sold in groups of forty.
Bungo (豊後)women and children of Bungo were captured in war and sold.
Ōmura (大村) and Kuchinotsu (口之津)Christians threatened with slavery after 1614.
Macaofirst port of the slave ships, where term servants were resold as perpetual slaves.
Goawhere merchants blocked the royal law in 1603.
Lisbonwhere Jacinta de Sá married in 1573.
Córdoba (Argentina)where Francisco Xapón won his freedom in 1598.
Limawhose census of 1613 lists 20 Japanese.
Algierswhere Japanese were among the Christian captives in 1627.
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Full record

Key facts

FactValueStatusSource
Royal banSeptember 20, 1570, King Sebastian of PortugalSourced
Hideyoshi's banJuly 23, 1587Sourced
First excommunicationBishop Pedro Martins, 1596Sourced
Nagasaki consultationSeptember 4, 1598, under Bishop Luís de CerqueiraSourced
Finding of 1598scarcely one in a hundred legitimately boughtSourced
Main marketNagasakiSourced
Korean phase1592 to 1597Sourced
Crown compromisePhilip III, 1604 to 1605Sourced
Recorded sales at Macao2,000 to 3,000 Japanese in 1610Sourced
Sources

Footnotes

  1. 1 Ehalt thesis, p. 276
  2. 2 Ehalt thesis, p. 270
  3. 3 Ruiz-de-Medina v1, p. 605
  4. 4 Hesselink 2016, PDF p. 107
  5. 5 Sousa 2019, p. 480, 494-495, 498, 509 (printed)
  6. 6 Ehalt thesis, p. 208-211
  7. 7 Cary 1909 vol. 1, p. 105
  8. 8 Bartoli D (Libro 2), p. 94
  9. 9 Fujita 1991 Japan's Encounter with Christianity: The Catholic Mission in Pre-Modern Japan, pp. 112-114
  10. 10 Sousa 2019, p. 539-542 (printed)
  11. 11 Vieira thesis, p. 114
  12. 12 Sousa 2019, p. 106
  13. 13 Sousa 2019, p. 525-534, 538 (printed)
  14. 14 Ehalt thesis, p. 494-495
  15. 15 Ehalt thesis, p. 30
  16. 16 Ehalt thesis, p. 280-281
  17. 17 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 74
  18. 18 Ehalt thesis, p. 543-544
  19. 19 Sousa 2019, p. 48
  20. 20 Hesselink 2016, PDF p. 106
  21. 21 Ehalt thesis, p. 349
  22. 22 Sousa 2019, p. 283, 365–366
  23. 23 Sousa 2019, p. 91
  24. 24 Hesselink 2016, PDF p. 126
  25. 25 Ehalt thesis, p. 476-477
  26. 26 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), pp. 75-76
  27. 27 Sousa 2019, p. 7
  28. 28 Sousa 2019, p. 464, 450, 459-461 (printed)
  29. 29 Ehalt thesis, p. 11-12
  30. 30 Hesselink 2016 (complete), p. 163
  31. 31 Ehalt thesis, p. 71
  32. 32 Ehalt thesis, p. 191
  33. 33 Ehalt thesis, p. 352
  34. 34 Hesselink 2016, PDF p. 106-107
  35. 35 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 78
  36. 36 Ehalt thesis, p. 425-426
  37. 37 Cary 1909 vol. 1, p. 106
  38. 38 Tronu thesis, p. 101-102
  39. 39 Morris thesis, p. 299
  40. 40 Ehalt thesis, p. 347-350
  41. 41 Ehalt thesis, p. 345-346
  42. 42 Morris thesis, p. 111-112 & n. 442
  43. 43 Sande 1590, p. 139
  44. 44 Ehalt thesis, p. 363
  45. 45 Sande 1590, p. 140
  46. 46 Vieira thesis, p. 119 n. 46
  47. 47 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), 72–76
  48. 48 Murdoch 1903, p. 243 note
  49. 49 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 71
  50. 50 Delplace v2, p. 71
  51. 51 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), pp. 70-71
  52. 52 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), 70–72, 79
  53. 53 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 79
  54. 54 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 72
  55. 55 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 76
  56. 56 Ehalt thesis, p. 477-478
  57. 57 Ehalt thesis, p. 478
  58. 58 Pagès 1869 Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon, tome II (Annexes), p. 75
  59. 59 Ehalt thesis, p. 474-475
  60. 60 Cary 1909 vol. 1, p. 131
  61. 61 Anesaki 1930, p. 191
  62. 62 Nelson n.d. Slavery in Medieval Japan (Monumenta Nipponica 59:4), p. 464
  63. 63 Ehalt thesis, p. 501-504
  64. 64 Sousa 2019, p. 404 (printed)
  65. 65 Sousa 2019, p. 198–199
  66. 66 Peña, Magdalena, p. 33-34
  67. 67 Ehalt thesis, p. 19-20
  68. 68 Ehalt thesis, p. 515-518
  69. 69 Ehalt thesis, p. 13
  70. 70 Ehalt thesis, p. 42
  71. 71 Ehalt thesis, p. 190-191, n. 615-617
  72. 72 Boxer n.d. Fidalgos in the Far East, p. 233
  73. 73 Ehalt thesis, p. 206, n. 683
  74. 74 Boxer n.d. Fidalgos in the Far East, p. 231
  75. 75 Nelson n.d. Slavery in Medieval Japan (Monumenta Nipponica 59:4), p. 463
  76. 76 Morris thesis, p. 111-112
  77. 77 Ehalt thesis, p. 218, n. 721
  78. 78 Ehalt thesis, p. 294 n. 958; p. 302; p. 313 n. 1014
  79. 79 Ehalt thesis, p. 120
  80. 80 Ehalt thesis, p. 540
  81. 81 Ehalt thesis, p. 388-389
  82. 82 Ehalt thesis, p. 12, 15, 20
  83. 83 Ehalt thesis, p. 496-499
  84. 84 Ehalt thesis, p. 209 n. 694; p. 217 n. 714
  85. 85 Sousa 2019, p. 303
  86. 86 Sousa 2019, p. 195
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